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We are two months into the new year and foreclosures are still a hot news subject. So let’s take a look at how and where we are.

According to Lender Processing Services (LPS) their data indicates about 6.92 million residential mortgages are past due or currently in foreclosure as of the end of January. That is a slight increase from December of 6.87 million. Most likely we are seeing the increase of homes going into foreclosure due to the fact many lenders held off foreclosure through the end of the year because of the foreclosure fraud investigation.

LPS also says the number of loans have risen 8 percent higher from where we were last year. Out of the 6.92 million mortgages not being paid on in the US, about 2.20 million are already in the process of being foreclosed on. About 4.72 million are more than one month past due, while 2.16 million of these homes are about 90 days past due.

So which states still have the highest non-current loans? Florida, Nevada, Mississippi, Georgia and New Jersey still have high foreclosure rates. However, these states are the fewest foreclosure rates Montana, Wyoming, Arkansas, South Dakota, and North Dakota.

According to MBA every state but two saw a drop in the 90 day past due delinquency, North Dakota and Arkansas were the only two states in which 90 day delinquencies did not decline. Total US mortgages that are past due are estimated to be around 8.22 percent, these not including mortgage that are already in foreclosure. MBA numbers for homes that are already in foreclosure averages about 4.63 percent. However according to MBA reports about 13.56 percent are at least one month behind.

Jobs are still slowly on the rise, commodities like gas, oil and food costs are pushing the average American’s budget to the verge of popping and it is only a matter of time before we start seeing foreclosures slowly creep up again.

Question is how the government’s assistance program, HAMP and other loan modification programs continue to help struggling homeowners. Increase discussion about the revamping of the mortgage, lending services and other government agencies will certainly play a role into how our real estate market starts to recover and how soon. As government officials continue to discuss making changes, we can only sit back and see how the next year begins to unfold.

Yves said:

My 2007 post on that tussle was “The Pentagon as Financial Regulator.” Maybe that’s an idea we need to entertain more seriously. It seems to be the only body with the authority and firepower to take on the mortgage industrial complex.

Any image of U.S. military competence is an illusion, an illusion created quite deliberately, but nevertheless an illusion.

Andrew Bacevich, in his two books The New American Militarism and The Limits of Power, goes to great lengths to debunk the illusion of military competence.

“American generalship since the end of the Cold War has seldom risen above the mediocre,” Bacevich writes in The Limits of Power:

[S]enior officials operate on the implicit assumption that they are immunized from accountability. In May 2007, in a stinging critique of post-9/ll military leadership, Army Lieutenant Colonel Paul Yingling wrote in “Armed Forces Journal” that “a private who loses a rifle suffers far greater consequences than a general who loses a war.”

In The New American Militarism Bacevich explores in great detail why the false illusion is created. It is all part and parcel of the well-oiled sales pitch [well maybe not so well-oiled, thanks to Bradley Manning and Wikileaks] for the all-consuming security state:

In war-as-spectacle, appearance could be more important than reality, because appearance often ended up determining reality… To use force was to strike a posture, to manipulate perceptions, or to send a message…

This image of war transformed derived from—-but also meshed with and seemed to validate—-the technology-hyped mood prevailing during the final decade of the twentieth century.

[….]

In short, by the dawn of the twenty-first century the reigning postulates of technology-as-panacea had knocked away much of the accumulated blood-rust sullying war’s reputation. Thus reimagined—-and amidst widespread assurances that the United States could be expected to retain a monopoly of this new way of war—-armed conflict regained an aesthetic respectability, even palatability, that the literary and artistic interpreters of twentieth-century military cataclysms were thought to have demolished once and for all. In the right circumstances, for the right cause, it now turned out, war could actually offer an attractive option—-cost-effective, humane, even thrilling. Indeed, as the Anglo-American race to Baghdad conclusively demonstrated in the spring of 2003, in the eyes of many, war has once again become a grand pageant, performance art, or a perhaps temporary diversion from the ennui and boring routine of everyday life.

[….]

This new aesthetic has contributed, in turn, to an appreciable boost in the status of military institutions and soldiers themselves, a fourth manifestation of the new American militarism.

Since the end of the Cold War, opinion polls surveying public attitudes toward national institutions have regularly ranked the armed services first. While confidence in the executive branch, the Congress, the media, and even organized religion is diminishing, confidence in the military continues to climb. Otherwise acutely wary of having their pockets picked, Americans count on men and women in uniform to do the right thing in the right way for the right reasons. Americans fearful that the rest of society may be teetering on the brink of moral collapse console themselves with the thought that the armed services remain a repository of traditional values and old-fashioned virtue. With Americans becoming ever “more individualistic, more self-absorbed, more whiney, in a sense, more of a crybaby nation,” the columnist George Will told midshipmen in the U.S. Naval Academy, it is all the more important for the military to server as a model for the rest of society, preserving values that others might deem “anachronistic.” According to Will, “it is a function of the military to be exemplars.”

Confidence in the military has found further expression in a tendency to elevate the soldier to the status of national icon, the apotheosis of all that is great and good about contemporary America. The men and women of the armed services, gushed “Newsweek” in the aftermath of Operation Desert Storm, “looked like a Norman Rockwell painting come to life. They were young, confident, and hardworking, and they went about their business with pose and élan.” A writer for “Rolling Stone” reported after a more recent and extended immersion in military life that “the Army was not the awful thing that my [anti-military] father had imagined”; it was instead “the sort of America he always pictured when he explained…his best hopes for the country.” According to the old post-Vietnam-era political correctness, the armed services had been a refuge for louts and mediocrities who probably couldn’t make it in the real world. Now the United States military was “a place where everyone tried their hardest. A place where everybody…looked out for each other. A place where people—-intelligent, talented people—-said honestly that money wasn’t what drove them. A place where people spoke openly about their feelings.” Soldiers, it turned out, were not only more virtuous than the rest of us, but also more sensitive and even happier. Contemplating the GIs advancing on Baghdad in March 2003, the classicist and military historian Victor Davis Hanson saw something more than soldiers in battle. He ascertained “transcendence at work.” According to Hanson, the armed services had “somehow distilled from the rest of us an elite cohort” in which virtues cherished by earlier generations of Americans continued to flourish.

Soldiers have tended to concur with this evaluation of their own moral superiority. In a 2003 survey of military personnel, “two-thirds [of those polled] said they think military members have higher moral standards than the nation they serve… Once in the military, many said, members are wrapped in a culture that values honor and morality.” Such attitudes leave even some senior officers more than a little uncomfortable. Noting with regret that “the armed forces are no longer representative of the people they serve,” retired admiral Stanley Arthur has expressed concern that “more and more, enlisted as well as officers are beginning to feel that they are special, better than the society they serve.” Such tendencies, concluded Arthur, are “not healthy in an armed force serving a democracy.”

In public life today, paying homage to those in uniform has become obligatory and the one unforgiveable sin is to be found guilty of failing to “support the troops.” In the realm of partisan politics, the political Right has shown considerable skill in exploiting this dynamic, shamelessly pandering to the military itself and by extension to those members of the public laboring under the misconception, a residue from Vietnam, that the armed services are under siege from a rabidly anti-military Left.

In The Limits of Power Bacevich concludes:

The exercise of military power will not enable the United States to evade the predicament to which the crisis of profligacy has given rise. To persist in following that path is to invite inevitable overextension, bankruptcy, and ruin.

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